Aijiao Liu, Jiangshan Shi and Qianfan Shi

The year 2021 is the second year of Japan's transition from Heisei era to Linghe era, and the first year of Japan's transition to the post-crisis era, post-epidemic era, and post-Abe era. Japan has carried out many reforms in politics, economy, trade, diplomacy, social security, education and other aspects and levels, but most of them seem to be unsatisfactory and ineffective. On the one hand, there are a series of problems in China, such as rapid population aging, low birth rate, worsening fiscal deficit, and slow economic growth. On the other hand, the international community should respond to the rising tide of international crises such as international economic unilateralism, trade protectionism, and anti-globalization. In the face of various problems, Abe had pushed out public opinions since he took office again in 2012, vigorously pushed forward reforms, strived to get rid of the negative impact of the "post-crisis", actively responded to the great changes in the world pattern, and pushed the "great power strategy" to the highest point in history.

According to the monthly performance report of the Japanese government in January 2019, Japan's economy is recovering moderately, and this expansion period will last until January 2020, which will become the longest expansion cycle of the postwar economy. However, the domestic population is in a bad situation of aging and having fewer children, which aggravates the turbulence of the international trade situation, and the space of monetary policy and fiscal policy has reached the ceiling. The internal growth momentum of Japan's economy is insufficient, resulting in economic downside risks. In the same year, the third-quarter report released by the Japanese government predicted that Japan's economy would fall into recession in the last quarter of 2019. In December, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) lowered its annual growth forecast to 0.8% for the third time in the year. In addition, due to entering the "post-three" era, Japan's economy has to maintain the three lows of low-interest rate, low inflation and low growth and is greatly constrained by the epidemic situation and weak international economy and trade. At this point, the dream of Japan's rise as a great power has once again become a mirage.

Under the background of the rapidly changing international situation, and with the concerted efforts of Chinese and Japanese leaders and people from all walks of life, Sino-Japanese relations have greatly improved and new development opportunities have emerged. High-level exchanges between the two countries are sufficient, and they play a leading role in politics. On the basis of full respect and seeking common ground while reserving differences, they have decreased strategic offensives, strengthened communication and coordination, and promoted the new pattern of Sino-Japanese relations in the new era. Despite this, there are still some people in Japan who are encouraged by other countries and are wantonly trying to destroy Sino-Japanese relations in the "new era". A military activity around Japan that deliberately emphasized, vigorously rendered and fabricated the "China threat theory" in Japan's 2019 Defense White Paper, and slandered China's legitimate maritime rights protection as a "unilateral upgrade". Second, the East China Sea dispute shows no signs of cooling down, the deficit of "trust" does not decrease, and the security relations in neighboring disputes still have a long way to go for Ren Zhong. Many people believe that the above-mentioned actions hindering the development of Sino-Japanese relations are all due to the intention of some Japanese people to cater to the United States in order to lead the development of China.

In the face of new challenges, ways on how to build and develop Sino-Japanese relations in the new era have become the core issue of the consensus reached by the leaders of China and Japan in Osaka in June 2019 that "we should work together to build Sino-Japanese relations that meet the requirements of the new era". To solve this problem:

First of all, we should make clear the new connotation of "Sino-Japanese relations in the new era" and solve the four major deficits. The new era not only coincides with the new era and historical orientation of the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics but also coincides with the correct international meaning. On the one hand, it is necessary to understand that the two sides of Japan's China policy are difficult to disappear, contradictions will exist for a long time, and competition and cooperation will become the normal situation. On the other hand, we should actively solve the four deficits of "governance", "trust", "peace" and "development", actively promote cooperation, and calmly deal with the shadow brought by the post-epidemic era.

Secondly, we should strengthen the frequency of active cooperation and broaden the current areas of cooperation. The economic exchanges and cooperation between the two countries are the fixed star of diplomatic relations between the two countries, China and Japan, both big economic countries in the world, should intensify and strengthen economic cooperation, and they should glow in the cause of maintaining multilateralism, stimulating regional trade and promoting globalization. In the face of new challenges, we can fully cooperate to tap the bright spots of cooperation in new industries and fields such as the Internet, public health and social governance, broaden the areas of cooperation, and continuously promote the common interests of both parties.

Finally, we should properly handle sensitive issues and properly control contradictions and differences. The territorial dispute is an unavoidable major contradiction and a huge difference between China and Japan. The two sides should actively negotiate, face frankly, and explicitly solve the problem through dialogue, so as to consolidate Sino-Japanese relations in the new era in the current unstable and uncertain world situation, so as to make them step onto a new ladder.

(Aijiao Liu and Jiangshan Shi are scholars of Yunnan Police Academy; Qianfan Shi is a scholar of University of Chinese Academy of Social Science)